While the full scope of its mandate is still unclear, a few general principles ought to be obvious goals for President Reagan’s bipartisan commission on ong-term policy toward Central America: – The panel should forge recommendations for a strong and constructive policy consistent with the Monroe Doctrine and the security of the Americas. – Its stance should be one of sound and positive action befitting a respected world power – not one of weakness and vacillation which we have seen from time to time in recent years. – We need to stand firm against exported subversion and revolution in t.he Americas and guard against crucial giveaways such as our Panama Canal action five years ago. Reagan has announced names of the 11 commission members who will serve with former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, controversial but prestigious chairman. The group’s recommendations are due Dec. 1. Congress obviously will pass judgment on the proposals, according to Senate Majority Leader Howard W. Baker; and Reagan has made it clear he does not intend to yield easily on his own program. The commission will make a significant contribution if it can unite leadership behind the President on a national approach to the freedom, independence, and welfare of Central American countries, We need that unity. A recent development which offers a glimmer of hope in current peace initiatives and could merit long-term policy consideration is the Sandinista proposal for region-wide peace talks among the neighbors to the south. The White House acknowledges the idea advanced by Daniel Ortega, head of the threeman junta in Nicaragua – is a “positive step,” despite “serious shortcomings.” A long-time policy to ward Central America should include reinforcement of our belief in the Monroe Doctrine, part of which opposes outside interference with independent nations “for the gprpose of oppressing em, or controlling in any manner their destiny.” The President’s Commission also should review such inter-American treaties as the Act of Chapultepec of 1945, providing for the united defense of any American republic attacked by anjlihcountry. e controversial giveaway of the strategic Panama Canal – which becomes fully effective Dec. 31, 1999 – should serve as a warning against future such acts o unwarranted generosity. Ignoring the will of the majority, as evident in polls and stacks of protest mail, the Senate voted 68-32 in 1978 (with just one vote to spare) for ratification of the two transfer treaties. At that time, Sen. Jake Garn, R-Utah called the giveaway decision, accomplished after intense lobbying by President Carter, a “serious mistake that the Senate and the American people will live to regret.” In the fact of current anxieties over the Central American situation, we believe more and more ople would agree witihe the senator’s view. In its newly accepted assignment, the blueribbon commission faces awesome challenges. There are pitfalls to avoid, wonder works to perform – not only- by the panel but in congressional cooperation and flexibility. A truly bipartisan spirit should be one of the first requisites.